Why is Museveni handling Sejusa, Amama differently?
Gen David Sejusa and President Museveni during a meeting at State House Entebbe last weekend. PHOTO BY PPU
IN SUMMARY
Change of tactic. Many observers say the fact that Mr Museveni has responded to the challenge from Gen Sejusa and to some extent former prime minister Amama Mbabazi in a different fashion, is evidence that his power is waning, writes Eriasa Mukiibi Sserunjogi
In this vein, the story of what happened to Dr Kizza Besigye when he stood up to Mr Museveni starting 1999 has been told several times. The President accused Dr Besigye of raising the views embodied in a 1999 document in the ‘wrong forum’.
Dr Besigye was threatened with trial in the military court and the President accused him of going against the Movement’s methods of work by declaring himself presidential candidate. His challenge against Mr Museveni in 2001 was probably the most violent election the country has ever experienced.
Another Bush War fighter, Brig Henry Tumukunde, underwent an eight-year trial before the Court Martial on accusations of “spreading harmful propaganda” and “behaving in a manner prejudicial to good order and discipline of the army”. He also spent a long time in detention before being released on bail.
As an army MP, Brig Tumukunde had, in 2005, challenged attempts to change the mode of voting in the House from secret ballot to open voting in the debate to remove presidential term limits.
He argued that open voting would affect MPs’ choices for fear of being victimised. He appeared on the Buganda Kingdom radio station, CBS, to make his point.
Departure from the past
Given that background, many observers say the fact that Mr Museveni has responded to the challenge from Gen Sejusa and to some extent former prime minister Amama Mbabazi in a different fashion is evidence that his power is waning.
President Museveni seemed ready to open war against Mr Mbabazi when he sacked him from the prime minister job late last year, particularly when he said on return from attending the UN General Assembly meeting thus: “The success of the Movement was guaranteed by the blood of the masses; the Movement is not for playing with; those who want to play with it should go elsewhere.”
This was at a rally in Entebbe, which was organised to welcome back the President, but also as a way of demonstrating his support just a week after firing Mr Mbabazi.
But when Mr Mbabazi didn’t publicly respond, Mr Museveni seemed to have changed approach and he has since appeared to do all in his power to reach out to his former confidante.
At last week’s NRM National Executive meeting, for instance, Mr Museveni tried to have members approve Mr Mbabazi as one of the members of the Central Executive Committee. The effort failed but, it appears, Mr Museveni is keen to mend fences with Mr Mbabazi.
Why the conciliatory stance?
Mr Augustine Ruzindana, who was with President Museveni in liberation struggles since the early 1970s but has since broken away to co-found FDC, says Mr Museveni is responding to Gen Sejusa’s threat the way he is doing because “he is a much weaker position than ever before”.
“The situation is very fluid,” Mr Ruzindana says, and Mr Museveni “senses his weaknesses and he is more careful in the way he responds to situations; it is a natural thing.”
Mr Ruzindana says the speed at which political developments unfold these days, particularly the way Mr Mbabazi’s and Gen Sejusa’s issues, one cannot be sure what will come next. “So Museveni realises that he can make things worse if he responds in the wrong way,” he says.
When President Museveni appeared on the Capital Gang talk show on January 3, for instance, the military had deployed at Gen Sejusa’s home and there was speculation that the General would be arrested over political statements he had continued to make, oblivious of his still being a serving army officer.
So Kyadondo East MP and panellist Ssemujju Nganda put it to the President what would happen to Gen Sejusa.
The response from the head of State, who was dubbed “chief gangster” on the day, left no doubt that he was eager to sidestep detailed discussion of the subject and instead dwell on other subjects.
He said: “Tinyefuza (the President insists on referring to the General by his former name); I told you that he will be handled … not everything should be in the papers … but you will see how it will end… the public statements will stop.”
Gen Sejusa had, upon return from exile in London, defiantly continued to criticise the government and vowing to remove President Museveni, who is still his Commander-in-Chief, from power.
While in London, he had alleged that President Museveni lost the 2006 election to Besigye but that the results were changed by a parallel vote tally centre manned by the military.
President Museveni was declared winner with 59 per cent of the votes.
Gen Sejusa further accused the State of killing its opponents and threatened to entreat the International Criminal Court to look into possible crimes he said had been committed by President Museveni and some of his close confidants.
He had alleged, before fleeing Uganda on April 30, 2013, that there was a plot to kill him and some other top army and government officials because they were opposed to plans by Mr Museveni to install his son, Brig Muhoozi Kainerugaba, as the next president.
The other key officials he said faced a security risk were Mr Mbabazi and Gen Aronda Nyakairima, then Chief of Defence Forces and now Internal Affairs minister.
Museveni downplays threats to Sejusa
Gen Sejusa, as he made his statements upon return, seemed to have already tickled the ire of a number of institutions.
The police and army spokespeople had already warned that he was stretching their patience and that he was not special, while on the other hand Mr Ofwono Opondo, the head of the Uganda Media Centre, launched a verbal onslaught on Gen Sejusa.
But the President would cut the ground from under the feet of his enthusiastic officers. After appearing on the Capital Gang show on January 3, Mr Museveni’s next appointment was with Gen Sejusa at State House, Entebbe.
Gen Elly Tumwine, who argued in the wake of Gen Sejusa’s flight to exile that the allegations he had made needed to be investigated instead of condemning him, had managed to convince Gen Sejusa to meet the President.
The errant General had previously told the press that he had declined an invitation to meet President Museveni at his country home in Rwakitura, prompting the army to deploy at his house in Naguru.
President wore a business suit to the State House meeting and Gen Tumwine was dressed in his military uniform.
But Gen Sejusa turned up to meet his Commander- in-Chief in a long-sleeved shirt which was not tucked in, which Daily Monitor columnist Muniini Mulera interpreted as disdain against the President.
The video footage from the meeting showed Gen Sejusa shaking President Museveni in a lukewarm fashion and eventually taking up a seat in a manner as if to show that he was not really interested in the meeting.
Mr Museveni then goes on to explain the manner of Gen Sejusa’s return, explaining how he had kept the cards to his chest, involving as few people in the General’s return programme as possible and ensuring that he was not harassed when he touched down in Uganda.
Mr Museveni also moved to dispel talk that the government had footed Gen Sejusa’s plane ticket, contrary to what Mr Opondo had claimed.
In the end, it appeared, according to Makerere University political historian Mwambutsya Ndebesa, that Mr Museveni “was eager to appease Sejusa and lure him back to the fold”.
Gen Sejusa made up with Mr Museveni after a bitter disagreement in the mid-1990s, which is why there has been apprehension as to whether the General has genuinely disagreed with Mr Museveni this time round.
Mr Salim Angoliga, the FDC deputy secretary in charge of security, says Gen Sejusa went to London “on assignment to spy on the Opposition’s sources of financing”.
However, Mr Angoliga’s take doesn’t seem to be borne out by the way things have turned out, and, according to observers, it is difficult to imagine that Gen Sejusa would have said all the things he said about Mr Museveni if he were just on a mission.
According to a statement by Dr Vincent Magombe, secretary Free Uganda Leadership Committee and press secretary of Gen Sejusa’s Free Uganda organisation, the decision for Gen Sejusa’s return was “collectively” taken and Mr Museveni was not part of it.
And, contrary to what Dr Besigye was quoted as saying in an interview with the Observer newspaper, Dr Magombe said Dr Besigye and “two” other Opposition leaders he did not name were notified of Gen Sejusa’s planned return two weeks in advance.
Dr Besigye, according to the interview, said he only knew of Gen Sejusa’s return from Mr Ladislaus Rwakafuzi, the General’s lawyer, on the day of his return.
Whichever way the General’s return was procured, however, President Museveni appears to have had a problem handling it and came off appearing to many that his authority was challenged.
The reasons for the change in Mr Museveni’s approach towards former colleagues who turn around to oppose him may vary according to where one stands. What is not clear, however, is how his new approach will affect Mr Museveni’s authority and eventually impact his hold on to power.
In defence of Museveni
According to Mr Tamale Mirundi, the President’s spokesperson, to conclude that Mr Museveni has changed approach because he is now weaker is to read the situation incorrectly.
In the first place, Mr Mirundi says, “Museveni is a statesman who works for harmony and never to please himself.” Mr Museveni is acting the way he is, Mr Mirundi says, because the situation requires such an approach.
The second reason that explains Mr Museveni’s actions, Mr Mirundi says, is that the President is now older.
More tolerant
When Mr Museveni was younger, Mr Mirundi gives an example, “the President signed execution orders for (Hajj Musa) Sebirumbi and others.
Now condemned persons are many in Luzira but he is reluctant to sign more execution orders. The executioner is enjoying free salary. With age leaders become more pragmatic and tolerant.”
Mr Mirundi adds that there was also a problem of how the military would handle Gen Sejusa.
He says the military would have to promote its current Court Martial chairman to General or appoint another one to try Gen Sejusa since an army officer cannot be tried by one of a lower rank.
Court Martial chairman Maj Gen Levi Karuhanga is two ranks lower than Gen Sejusa.
